Classical

9

Green Eyes - Jimmy Dorsey And His Orchestra - Latin American Favorites (Shellac, Album)

28.09.2021

Then again, this possibility seems far-fetched because Lee did not record any other medleys during these years. Moreover, I have no knowledge of when the arrangement was made. Given the credit to Hazard, plans to record it could have been made as early as this session and as late as the mids. Still, the title similarity could hint, if not at a medley, at an intent to also record "The One I Love Belongs To Somebody Else" during this date, which generated three instead of the maximum of four songs.

For another arrangement that, like "The One I Love," resulted in no extant master, see notes under session dated November 16, Source Arrangements The arrangements for this session's three performances Green Eyes - Jimmy Dorsey And His Orchestra - Latin American Favorites (Shellac extant in Capitol's library of music scores.

At The Session 1. Stan Kenton 2. Peggy Lee showed up for a Capitol recording session last week to find all the amplifiers at the diskery's studio had been blown out. Kenton had recorded just prior to that. Kenton's September sessions took place on the 12th13thand 14th The last two dates actually featured no playing from Stan Kenton. They did feature his band, though, with his trumpet player, the enticingly loud Maynard Ferguson, leading the pack.

Photos To further honor the bandleader and the above-told anecdote, here are Stan Kenton and Peggy Lee caught in the same shot, along with Johnny Mercer and Martha Tilton. The photo is actually from a few years earlier -- New Year's Eve,or December 31,or thereabouts.

One of this session's singles also happened to be advertised by Capitol alongside a Kenton single. Seen above as well is an advertisement promoting various Capitol songs from singles, including the same one from this Peggy Lee session i. My thanks to Michael J. White for first alerting me to the similarity. The library is the source for each of the above-indicated credits to Heinie Beau and Dick Hazard. Photos Taken from magazine issues published in December and August ofthese photos belong to the last months of the Barbours' marriage.

The present session was also the last one they would do as a couple. Preceded by a separation period, the couple's divorce would become official in May The divorce did not signify a full parting of ways, however. Remaining on friendly terms and with a child to rear, they remained on friendly terms. The press reported that Barbour often visited Lee's household, and even got along with her next husband. Barbour would also go on to participate on a few Lee sessions from the s. Sequential Order This session's first master bears a number which is significantly lower than the other two master numbers and When I first noticed it, I suspected that a typo accounted for the discrepancy i.

But, after double-checking Capitol's files and, more recently, the Capitol Label DiscographyI have corroborated that is indeed the correct number. A look at other Capitol sessions from the last months of show that the case under discussion is not exceptional: quite a few master numbers from that period are out of sequential order.

The library is the source for the credit to Heinie Beau. The first is a candid taken at the Cocoanut Grove and published in a January magazine issue. The second, a publicity agency photo, has a March 12, date attached to it. The third formed part of the publicity for the show TV's Top Tunes, which aired during the summer of The fourth was used as the cover of a magazine issue published in August of The first is a candid taken at the Cocoanut Grove, and published in January The two ensuing publicity shots bear March and June dates on their backs.

See here as published in the August of a periodical, the last picture is actually a reproduction of one of the photos highlighted at the very top of this page. Also pictured above: from Capitol rpm discthe side which features "That Ol' Devil," a Peggy Lee-Dave Barbour composition recorded at the present date. During the week ending April 21, Lee's recording of "Yeah! The 1 spot was held by the suitably called Pinetoppers, with their version of "Mockin' Bird Hill. Louis Prima 2. Benny Carter 3.

Jim Wynn There is conflicting data about the backing of this session. But that's not all. A third name is brought up on yet another source of information -- a review published on the April 6, issue of Downbeat magazine. Capitol "used an all-Negro jazz group, led by Jim Wynn," the Billboard reporter declares, "in an effort to set off her pipings with a rough 'n' ready backdrop.

At the present time, my suspicion is that all three men were present, with Carter in charge of the overall proceedings. In my hypothetical scenario, Carter would have ceded leadership position to Prima during "Yeah, Yeah, Yeah" only, and Prima would have been present only for that number. For discographical purposes, I have believed the press' claim that Wynn was present. Just seven days after the date under discussion, Wynn is known to have done a record session for Mercury Records, in LA.

But, until further official documentation comes forward, Prima's full degree of involvement in the session cannot be ascertained. For what is worth, there is proof that Prima and Lee worked together around this time. They did so on the radio: he guested in five episodes of her radio series. In fact, Prima's five guest turns grant him the distinction of being the solo act to make the highest number of appearances in the year-long show.

Carter's presence in this session must be deemed tentative as well. It's worth noting that Ed Berger's discography of Benny Carter does not list this Peggy Lee session among those which Carter conducted. This Lee session appears, on the other hand, in Louis Prima's discography at his official site, where he is listed as the date's leader and trumpet player.

Double-tracking In some parts of masterLee's voice is double-tracked, thereby creating the effect that she is singing and speaking with herself. The library is the source for the above-given credits to Heinie Beau and Benny Carter. Photos Another set of colorful Peggy Lee shots, estimated to date from around The importance of his position can be gleaned from a Billboard article published on April 17, The article refers to the "loophole" that had been left by " Sid Feller's leaving the firm" and explains a "rotation scheme" that Capitol vice-president Alan Livingston is enacting to solve the matter.

He will pick material for his own artists as well as for artists based here and formerly handled by Eastern staff. Source The arrangements for this session's four performances are extant in Capitol's library of music scores. The library is the source for the arranging credits to Sid Feller that are given above. Location The documentation at hand states that New York was the city in which the session too place, but the venue is not identified.

WMGM Radio Studio is an educated guess of mine, based on various reports that allude to that studio as the one where Capitol held its pre New York sessions. The studio had originally belonged to NBC. WMGM took over it in the mids, but did not start using it regularly until Columbia Pictures bought it from MGM in One of the reports that I consulted indicate that Capitol used the 5th Avenue studio for at least its jazz-oriented sessions.

Other reports state that the record company used the studio for all its sessions. The above-mentioned reports seem to be somewhat in line with discographical details given by well-researched releases such as Bear Family Records' Ella Mae Morse boxed set Barrelhouse, Boogie And The Bluesin which all her New York sessions from to are listed as taking place at MGM.

Bear Family does not provide full address, however. If their data is accurate, then two studios would be at play -- the one at 5th Avenue, and the one owned by WMGM before that one.

I have doubts about their data's full accuracy, however. My doubts come from the fact that sessions are listed as having taken place at WMGM studios. Elsewhere, post sessions by all Capitol artists are listed as taking place at the label's own studio -- at least until Date: May 16, p.

Photos Peggy Lee serves as cover girl for issues of two periodicals, the first from February, the second from August. The February image presents Lee as she looked for much of the years, the August shot as she would look for much of the years. See also photography in the next entry. Arrangements My two sources for this session's arranging credits are in discrepancy. Since Mirtle worked closely with Billy May, I suspect that May might have explained that he was only the nominal arranger, and that Feller was the actual arranger.

Whichever the case may be, arranging credits for this session must be deemed tentative. Dating Peggy Lee's Capitol file erroneously gives May 17 as this session's date. May 16 is the correct date. The error was first pointed out by Billy May discographer Jack Mirtle, after he checked the session's contract report at the American Federation of Musicians. Photos The July issue of Capitol News features Peggy Lee on its front cover, which also highlights several numbers from her repertoire.

The former is listed in Capitol advertisement along with its flip side, "Tonight You Belong To Me" as one of the label's "popular hits" for the month of October The photos present her as she variously look from to Lee's competition all-male, as it had been on various previous occasions did better than her this time around.

RCA's Tony Martin had a sizable hit with his version, which came out before hers, and went on to spend 30 weeks in the chart, peaking at 3. The main impediment for the attainment of the 1 position in both charts was the popularity of Tony Bennett that year, with his versions of "Because Of You" and "Cold, Cold Heart," as well as the other artists who had recorded competing versions of those two songs.

Cash Box magazine's regional chart make it evident that, while Tony Martin had the smash, all three versions achieved significant popularity. Peggy Lee's version is listed in the top 10 of ten radio stations, scoring a 4 on several of them, and a 3 at one in particular WLIZ in Bridgeport, Connecticut, week ending October 27, It was also the last hit that he songbird gave the label before her migration to Decca Records.

She would, however, return to Capitol five years later, and would henceforth generate more hits for the record label. The flip side of Capitol single also found some listeners' favor in certain radio markets.

See notes under previous session. Both placements were attained during the week ending September 8, Sources 2. Billy May 3. Harold Mooney 3. Sid Feller There is partial disagreement among the various sources for this session's arranging credits.

The disagreement is over two of the arrangements. The arrangement, kept at Peggy Lee's sheet music library, credits Billy May. Faced with the need to choose among those options, I have tentatively favored the credits given by Capitol's library.

Readers must bear in mind that, should additional date come forth, there might be changes in the future. The last one is one of many publicity shots promoting the summer show TV's Top Tunessponsored by Chesterfield, with whom Lee had a contract. For the other one, see session dated November 16, See also November 11, session.

Producer Dave Cavanaugh? Engineer Frank Abbey? For the sources of these tentatively entered names, see Location notes below second paragraph.

Location The documentation at hand pinpoints New York as the city in which the present session took place. Unfortunately, the name of the venue is not given. Capitol is known to have held most of its pre New York sessions there.

It was leased space. Inthe label acquired its own Manhattan studio, at West 46th Street. A few words about the studio's history. WMGM took over the premises in the mids, and began to officially use the audio in September At the time in which this New York session took place, Capitol was making a concert effort to increase its presence in Manhattan. Between July and September of this year, its sales department moved from Hollywood to Gotham.

Several Hollywood acts were encouraged to hold sessions in New York, too, while visiting. The June 30, issue of Billboard magazine elaborates on the matter: "As part of the West Coast diskery's announced program to emphasize its Eastern operation, Capitol Records has set a heavy recording schedule here and enlarged its local engineering staff. At least 10 of the label's top artists will all be waxed here by Eastern a. Local engineering staff took on two additional men and named Frank Abbey to handle the dials on waxing sessions.

Abbey replaces Clair Krepps, who resigned recently. Photos Two of this session's numbers have noteworthy cinematic connections. Upon hearing it, many movie watchers sought out her recording. The film's star, Miranda Richardson, sings it on the movie. British singer Mari Wilson then recorded the song for commercial release, in a version that is evidently a copy of Peggy Lee's original recording, both vocally and musically.

I assume that Bracchi, known for his partnership with D'Anzi in Italy, was responsible for an original set of Italian lyrics, and thus has no claim to the version with English lyrics.

Source Arrangements for two of this session's three performances are extant in Capitol's library of music scores and are credited to Sid Feller. InCapitol acquired its own studio in Manhattan, at West 46th Street. WMGM had taken over the studio at 5th Avenue in the mids, officially beginning to use it in Septemberalthough they might have informally held sessions there at an earlier time.

The studio had previously belonged to NBC. Photos Above: three color slides of Peggy Lee, year and occasion unknown. Her hairdo suggests that the date fall between and earlywith as the more reasonable of the three possibilities. Below: the album All Aglow Again! Contractual Obligations The relatively high number of masters recorded during this session could be an indication that Peggy Lee was trying to fulfill a contractual quota before her imminent departure from Capitol Records.

Issues And Dating 1. All Aglow Again! Capitol issued two of this session's six masters on a single. The other four masters were left unissued untilwhen three of those were curiously picked up for inclusion in the album All Aglow Again! Location The documentation at hand states that New York was the city in which the session too place, but does not indicate the exact venue.

However, there are no extant masters in either case. For more details, see notes under sessions dated November 16, and September 13, Imposed by the American Federation of Musicians primarily as a protest against legislation that freed music labels and radio broadcast companies from having to pay record royalties to the union, the ban went into effect on January 1, This was actually the second time that AFM had gone on strike during the years covered by this sessionography.

For details about the first time, see this page, section XIII. According to music historian David Ewen, the record ban forbade the participation of AFM musicians in any commercial sessions, and sought the payment of a royalty "to be used for the benefit of unemployed members. The three earliest sessions were specifically intended for the making of her very first solo album, and might have thus been set up independently of Capitol's strike-preempting requests.

It should be clarified that the obligation to honor the ban applied only to instrumentalists -- i. Vocalists were exempt from the ban's regulations because they were not part of AFM's membership.

Hence most singers continued to go into the studios. Their record companies circumvented the absence of accompanying musicians in a variety of ways. Both Columbia and Decca initially resorted to an a cappella strategy: vocal groups were enlisted not only to back up the singers but also to hum the melodies.

Recording and importing the work of foreign artists British, in particular was a more drastic course of action, which was nonetheless contemplated and possibly exercised by MGM and Columbia, among others.

For its part, RCA Victor cautiously abstained from taking any drastic measures, though not necessarily out of sympathy with the union. Victor probably feared arousing the wrath of the dozens of labor unions with which besides AFM the label's parent company happened to be tangled.

This alternative was more overtly embraced by one of the main transcription services which were in operation at the time, and to which the record ban also applied. On April 17,the president of Standard Transcriptions announced to the press that the first of several Mexico-scheduled dates would take place within three weeks from that date.

Negotiations with Mexican music unions and Mexican record labels had preceded. Billboard magazine stated that the upcoming tune date would feature "25 Mexican musicians, two American vocalists and an American arranger-conductor. This was not King's first foray into foreign land during this ban period; he already had under his belt several transcription numbers recorded in Vienna and Paris. Standard was at this time the top independent transcription service, and the one most overtly antagonistic to the AFM's demands.

Among the additional options available to labels both large and small, there was the possibility of hiring from the small poll of American musicians who were non-unionized by either choice or circumstance. Playing of the harmonica, for instance, does not seem to have qualified for AFM membership until Before that year, the American Guild of Variety Artists -- AGVA -- was the qualifying union for musicians who at the time were closely associated with the world of showbiz performance or variety entertainment -- e.

As the ban dragged on and impatience grew among record label executives, the dividing line between a non-unionized player and an "union musician on the down low" was occasionally blurred. Such was widely suspected to be the case at Mercury Records. Then there was Decca, whose artists were sometimes backed by "brand new" bands or ensembles. Case in point: the so-called Sunshine Serenaders, a country-oriented band which accompanied Bob Eberly at a New York-held Decca session, and whose unidentified, unknown members might or might have not been unionized.

In late April ofConkling traveled to the French Riviera and to other European locations; Livingston went to Paris toward the year's end. There, Livingston recorded foreign bands whose music he then dubbed to vocals recorded by Capitol's artists such as Margaret Whiting. In these travels, at least one European act French organist Marcel Laurence was also signed by Conkling and recorded by Livingston. Yet another alternative to which Capitol resorted was the purchase of already recorded but unreleased masters, owned by the given artist.

In January ofCapitol signed Jan Garber to a contract despite the fact that the ban prevented him from any recording activity in the immediate future. This signing was clearly triggered by the bandleader's possession of self-owned, unissued masters that were made part of the negotiations.

InCapitol had also purchased a set of masters that Les Paul had recorded at his home studio, with the original intention of broadcasting in his radio show. Peggy Lee was among the very few vocalists who, out of solidarity with the musicians, abstained from any studio recording during the entire period.

In the March 13, issue of The Cash Boxan article about the latest update on the record ban includes the following blind item: "[r]ecently, Capitol Records issued a recording order to one of their artists. One primary site for this activity was the Harlem club, Minton's Playhouse.

I came alive. Evidence of Parker's Cherokee experimentation can be heard in a private recording made in early at Monroe's Uptown House. This document points toward Parker's magisterial treatment of the Cherokee chord progression a few years later on his commercial recording Koko Savoy, Recordings from the early s prove limited as sources documenting the emergence of modern jazz, or Bop and bebop as it was onomatopoeically dubbed by critics. There are glimmers, though, of modern techniques being introduced within a conventional swing context.

Live recordings of sessions at Minton's inwhen Monk and Kenny Clarke were members of the house band, contain the pianist's dissonant, chromatically inflected harmonies and the drummer's explosive accents that later would dominate the rhythmic topography of bop.

Similarly, a few of Charlie Parker's solos with the Jay McShann band hint at imminent departures from swing conventions, as in the saxophonist's asymmetrical phrasing on Moten Swing and double-time lines on Body and Soul both from the Wichita transcriptions.

More dramatic evidence of a fully formed modern jazz practice, however, turns up in recordings from —5, by which time the experimentation described by musicians had presumably been going on for several years or more.

The use of chromatically altered pitches within a diatonic harmonic context e. The dissonant syntax, whole-tone runs and off-kilter rhythmic patterns of Monk contrast with the longer, spun-out phrases of Hawkins on the latter's recordings of On the BeanJoe Davis and Flyin' HawkJoe Davis.

Differences between the older swing style and the newer bop idiom are vividly illustrated by instrumentalists on Sarah Vaughan's recording of Mean to MeContlin which the relaxed, flowing solo of tenor saxophonist Flip Phillips is followed by the darting, agitated lines of Parker and Gillespie. The ominous tone of the introduction comes from the flattened 5ths played in the bass register of the piano by Al Haig, shadowed by Sid Catlett on tom-toms. Though bop was primarily a small-group style of jazz, performed usually with two or three lead instruments most often trumpet and saxophone and three or four in the rhythm section, some big bands played a role in promoting this music.

Earl Hines and Billy Eckstine both directed ensembles that featured young modernists in their ranks, among them Gillespie, Parker, Vaughan and Fats Navarro. Gillespie himself led a big band in the second half of the s; his recording of Gil Fuller's Things to ComeMusi. The big band of Boyd Raeburn in the mids was known for its provocatively dissonant harmonies and unusual timbral combinations. Other bands, such as those led by Woody Herman, Artie Shaw, Claude Thornhill and Duke Ellington, featured bop-flavoured arrangements in their repertory without necessarily championing the cause of modern jazz.

In addition to drawing upon the newly minted expressive resources of the bop idiom, some modern jazz groups in the s began incorporating rhythmic features from the Afro-Cuban heritage.

But in the s jazz forged stronger bonds with the Caribbean in the work of Machito Frank Raul Grillo and his Afro-Cubans and in the contributions made by the Cuban percussionist Chano Pozo to Dizzy Gillespie's orchestra in —8. Gillespie showcased Pozo's talents in such compositions as MantecaVic. Other writers, though, among them DeVeaux and David Stowe, described bop as reflecting the contingencies of professional music-making and the economic structures of the music industry.

Their studies depict the emergence and reception of modern jazz as a complex, socially mediated process, not merely as an artistic decision to replace an older prevailing style with an innovative new one. Another way of viewing bop is as a response to social and political conditions black Americans faced in the s. None of these interpretations takes precedence over any other; all prove useful in understanding a dynamic musical movement that fundamentally changed the way jazz was played and perceived.

Enthusiasm for big-band swing gradually waned after World War II: the postwar generation preferred other music for dancing and listening. The popularity of rhythm and blues in the late s signalled a shift in taste towards earthy songs with a strong, shuffling backbeat. The rich, brassy textures of big bands gave way to a leaner, more streamlined sound featuring vocals, one or two horns, electric guitar, bass and drums.

Figures formerly associated with instrumental jazz, such as the pianist Nat King Cole and the saxophonist Louis Jordan, highlighted their vocal talents as they moved into the more commercially lucrative field of rhythm and blues and contemporary pop. Singers who had launched careers with big bands, such as Frank Sinatra, Ella Fitzgerald and Sarah Vaughan, found success as soloists in the later s and 50s, often recording pop songs with orchestral accompaniment in settings removed from the jazz sphere.

The appeal of solo singers and close-harmony vocal groups, and the rise of rhythm and blues and early rock and roll, brought the swing era to a definitive close and created problems for many jazz musicians who had formerly worked with big bands. While a few of the most successful big bands survived this period and carried on, others were forced to reduce their numbers or broke up altogether. Count Basie began leading smaller units in —51, then reconstituted a big band that gained popularity with slow, melodious, gently swinging pieces such as Frank Foster's Shiny StockingsVerve and Neal Hefti's Lil' Darlin'Roul.

To survive economically, big bands had to keep current with popular tastes or, in the case of Ellington and Kenton, assemble a repertory so distinctive and players so accomplished that they could still command a public following. With big bands becoming increasingly risky ventures, small-group activity picked up during the s. But if jazz lost popularity and economic clout, its musicians gained the creative freedom to try out new approaches.

For some this meant finding fresh ways to integrate composition and improvisation, while for others it meant tapping into the rich vein of black American vernacular idioms, blending jazz with rhythm and blues, blues and gospel. This was a time of synthesis and consolidation, in which techniques from both swing and bop were freely mixed together. The career of Miles Davis during this period shows these synthesizing and moderating processes taking place. Although Davis had been a member of Charlie Parker's band —8his own playing avoided the virtuosic brilliance of the bop idiom.

It was slower, sparer and softer. What Davis lacked in conventional trumpet technique he made up for in plangent lyricism.

In —50, collaborating with such arrangers as Gil Evans, Gerry Mulligan and John Lewis, Davis assembled a nine-piece band to record a group of pieces that were later reissued as a long-playing album entitled Birth of the Cool Cap. Throughout Birth of the Cool a sense of relaxation prevails quite different from the frenetic motion and whirling turbulence of bop.

Beyond transforming — and to an extent subduing — the language of bop, the Davis nonet sought in these performances to find a more flexible model for integrating solo improvisation with group ensemble passages.

Improvised and written lines often intertwine in a symbiotic relationship, departing from the conventional big-band practice of having soloists play only with rhythm section or with accompanying riffs. Some of the same qualities manifest on the Davis nonet sides relaxed pacing, understated expression, softer-edged tone turned up in the work of other jazz musicians of the s, causing critics to tag them with the descriptive label of Cool jazz. They specialized in stately, classical-tinged, small-group swing, presented in pellucid textures and with an air of formality reminiscent of the concert hall.

Like the Davis nonet, the Modern Jazz Quartet sought creative solutions to the problem of combining written parts with improvisation, with Lewis composing many of the vehicles used for such exploration.

The group also introduced new formal models for jazz, not just with extended works or suites made up of shorter movements as Ellington had been doing since the s but with different structures used for soloing, as in the bar chorus form for DjangoPrst.

Another composer-driven small group of the same period that became identified with cool jazz was the Dave Brubeck quartet. They enjoyed great success with such albums as Jazz Goes to College Col. More experimental and less popular than Brubeck and the Modern Jazz Quartet were New York-based groups led by the pianist and teacher Lennie Tristano, which featured in the late s and 50s two of his students, the saxophonists Lee Konitz and Warne Marsh, whose playing was more austere and restrained than that of bop's leading exponent, Charlie Parker.

So the critically convenient opposition of s bop and 50s cool jazz belies important underlying lines of musical kinship. Davis did not confine himself to the cool aesthetic mapped out by his nonet in — The quintet he led in —7 with the tenor saxophonist John Coltrane, the pianist Red Garland, the bass player Paul Chambers and drummer Philly Joe Jones, delivered a mixed repertory of high-voltage bop Oleo,Prst.

Beginning in he made a series of LPs in collaboration with arranger Gil Evans, in which he held forth as lead soloist against a lush and luminous orchestral backdrop in album-length suites that resembled extended jazz concertos. Concurrent with these Evans collaborations, Davis could be heard in a sextet format that contrasted his aphoristic style with the effusive outpourings of the saxophonists Coltrane and Cannonball Adderley.

Whatever cool aspects might have formed part of Davis's musical persona were effectively complemented or countered by fellow group members, especially the hard-driving swing of drummer Jimmy Cobb. His modal experiments on Kind of Blue opened up liberating possibilities for players of the s. Davis was one of many jazz musicians in the s who discovered ways of assimilating and transforming the bop idiom that had seemed so experimental and self-contained in the previous decade.

Clifford Brown, for example, teamed up with Max Roach to form a quintet in the mids that extended the reach of bop while making it more accessible. Using a musical vocabulary derived from the work of the Parker-Gillespie axis, the Brown-Roach quintet offered energized renditions of popular songs and bop standards.

The intense rhythmic propulsion of their performances may have led to their labelling by critics as a Hard bop group.

This designation, implying a stylistic variant of s bop, was also applied to the work of the drummer Art Blakey and his Jazz Messengers, Horace Silver Blakey's pianist for several yearsSonny Rollins who worked with the Brown-Roach quintet and Miles Davis, then began leading his own groups and Miles Davis's mids quintet and others. Though such journalist-coined labels as hard bop and bop tend to push jazz uncomfortably into narrow categories, there were some significant departures in the small-group modern jazz of Blakey, Silver and others from the work of those who preceded them.

Tempos on the whole tended to be slower, allowing drummers to articulate a stronger underlying beat that created a regular rhythmic groove. Even the titles of pieces became friendlier, more familiar: instead of Parker's Klactoveedsedstene and Monk's Epistrophy, it was Davis's Walkin', Brown's Swingin' and Silver's Cookin' at the Continental.

The greater accessibility and populist tinge in the music of Blakey, Silver and other small-group jazz figures of the s pointed to larger shifts taking place within the music itself. This consolidating process can be seen in the jazz literature of the time, such as M.

By the early s, though, bop had become old and familiar enough to join the jazz mainstream that now was bounded on one side by New Orleans or traditional jazz and on the other by the searching experimentation associated with the avant garde.

Consensus about a jazz mainstream was also reflected in the term Third stream, coined by Gunther Schullerwhich described music that drew upon jazz techniques as well as aspects of the European art-music tradition.

Schuller was particularly interested in finding ways to juxtapose composed and improvised parts and to integrate post-Schoenberg harmonic practice into the active vocabulary of jazz musicians. These goals are apparent in his composition TransformationCol. Much of this repertory was presented not in the night club venues customary for jazz but in concert halls, school settings for example at the Brandeis Jazz Festival and the Lenox School for Jazz and art museums.

If one result of modern jazz in the s had been the introduction of a musical vocabulary that later formed the basis of mainstream practice, third stream represented another part of its legacy, embodying the notion that jazz was a serious form of artistic expression and not solely meant to be relaxing, diverting or danceable. There were other paths musicians followed in search of new modes of jazz expression in the s.

In New York Mingus adopted a workshop format in which players collaborated in rehearsals and public performances to produce music that grew out of a process of group composition and improvisation. Such works as Pithecanthropus erectus, Haitian Fight Song and Ecclusiastics contained thematic material supplied by Mingus, but their fluidity and sense of collective creation reflected the workshop ideals he fostered.

Another major innovator to emerge during this period was John Coltrane. Building upon the expanded harmonic vocabulary of bop, the saxophonist employed techniques of chord substitution and superimposition to loosen the music from its tonal moorings. Original pieces such as Giant Steps and Countdown bothAtl. Like Miles Davis, his former bandleader, Coltrane gravitated toward the combination of modal melodies with stable harmonic fields.

He based Impressions —3, Imp. Coltrane's virtuosity and brilliance as an improviser enhanced the appeal of his musical experimentation, and his personal conception of the tenor saxophone proved greatly influential for several generations of players in the following decades. Beyond the modal techniques taken up by Coltrane and Davis, other means were adopted by musicians seeking to expand the harmonic vocabulary of jazz.

Monk brought a high level of dissonance for jazz, at least to his piano solos and compositions, and his interest in chromatic-based chord progressions can be traced back to compositions written in the early s, such as Epistrophy and Well, you needn't. As an accompanist, he often stopped playing while a horn player improvised, thus allowing soloists greater harmonic freedom as they continued with just drums and bass. Gerry Mulligan also explored the idea of a pianoless quartet in the s.

Monk's interest in raising the dissonance threshold and rewriting the rules of functional harmony were later taken up by fellow pianist-composers Herbie Nichols, Cecil Taylor and Andrew Hill.

Lennie Tristano displayed a similar penchant for dissonance, although in his case it was often linear and contrapuntally derived rather than introduced through vertical harmonic structures.

In contrast to these figures, Bill Evans treated dissonance almost as a colouristic device, using minor 2nds in voicings, for example, to lend an edge of tension to rich chords built upon extended triads, occasionally 4ths. Evans also pursued a piano sound ideal radically different from that of Monk, Taylor and Tristano, distinguished by a singing, rounded tone, legato touch and, especially on ballads, liberal use of the damper pedal, all features that pointed in the direction of 19th- and early 20th-century European composers Chopin, Brahms and Ravel whose works Evans knew and admired.

In addition to developing new technical resources for jazz in the late s and early 60s, some artists showed a concern with addressing social and political issues through their music. Jazz had always contained implicit messages about exercising personal freedom and striving together to realize a practical model for participatory democracy. But it had rarely been overtly political: Billie Holiday's performance of the anti-lynching song Strange FruitCom.

And it was partly the defiant stance assumed by Parker, Gillespie and their peers that enabled a young musician like Mingus to comment directly on current political events and social conditions, as when he indicted a segregationist Arkansas governor in Original Faubus FablesCan. Miller is the daughter of County Clerk and Mrs. Fred W. Burger of Boulder County. Mike Nidorf, one of Glenn's friends and business associates, was close to the couple.

George Simon wrote:. During almost two generations I have known many band leaders and musicians and their wives and have seldom been surprised by the tensions that have permeated their marriages—marriages that because of the occupational hazards involved, survive and flourish.

Of all those marriages, the one that impressed me as the most endearing and enduring was the one between Helen and Glenn Miller. But much as I liked and admired Glenn, it was to Helen that I gave most credit for their happiness. In her own quiet way she was an immensely strong person. She would remain discreetly in the background, and yet, whenever Glenn had an important decision to make, he would turn to her, and she would help him.

Polly Haynes, their closest friend and confidante, recently described the subtle depth of their relationship: "I've never known any couple that said so little and felt so much. Helen was on the set almost all the time, and June spent as much time with her as she could.

Army Air Corps, said, "June Allison did a very good job of playing my mother. Jimmy Stewart did a very good job of playing Jimmy Stewart. They were not far from the Fifty-ninth Street bridge to Manhattan, nor from the subway. Glenn had more or less easy access to the recording and broadcasting studios and to the theater district.

Whatever insecurities Glenn felt about his trombone playing, they could only have been exacerbated by the fact that in he recorded with a group led by Tommy and Jimmy Dorsey. He might have found some consolation in the fact that Dorsey too was insecure about his jazz playing.

But Glenn was apparently secure about his abilities as a writer: he wrote a lot of arrangements for Nichols, who played tasteful cornet after the manner of Bix Beiderbecke. Louis bellhop who would play jazz on comb-and-paper while his friend Dick Selvin played kazoo. They moved to New York, where McKenzie showed considerable ingenuity in snagging record dates for which he sometimes used as many as ten musicians. Obviously McKenzie liked Glenn and when he put together an impressive band — including Krupa, Hawkins, Condon, and Russell — Glenn was the only trombonist on the date.

Glenn did not particularly like Red Nichols, but Nichols gave him work. Gershwin conducted the opening night in New York, as he had that in Boston. Nichols hired Miller again for the Gershwin show Girl Crazy later that year. Gene Krupa, fresh into New York from Chicago, said later of the experience:. But Glenn sat right in front of me. He was so great to me. And it was amazing how well Gene followed him — thanks to Glenn, of course.

The same group was hired for a revival of Strike Up the Band. Pollack writes:. Glenn continued to record with Nichols and wrote the arrangement for the ballad Tea for Two. He also worked with his friend Benny Goodman, who was recording under different names, as was the custom of the time. He also wrote the verse for Jack Teagarden's classic Basin Street Blues, the line that begins, "Won't you come along with me, down the Mississippi.

Goodman said years later, "Things were going good for me then. He was such a dedicated musician and always so thorough. It was probably during this period that Shaw conceived a lifetime jealousy and contempt for both Miller and Goodman which smouldered on until his death in The record companies also provided employment, but after the Wall Street crash of and with the deepening of the Depression, they stumbled toward — and some fell into — bankruptcy.

A public that worried about the price of bread didn't buy many records, turning instead to radio, which was free, for entertainment, and to movies, which were inexpensive and even gave away dinnerware as an inducement to attend. These were the golden days of radio, both network and local. Because it engaged your imagination in such dramas as Lights Out and Mr.

District AttorneySteve Allen once said, "Radio was theater of the mind. Television is theater of the mindless. Then Smith Ballew, who hadn't forgotten Glenn's kindness to him, turned up again. He had been doing moderately well, leading his own band. But it was only a routine band, and Ballew thought he would do better fronting a really good band.

He called Glenn to propose that he put together a new band. He recalled: "I asked him if he would play trombone, arrange and rehearse the band for two-fifty a week plus a fifty-fifty split of everything over a thousand dollars a week that I might make.

Glenn agreed and the first musician he contacted was Ray McKinley. I had known him as a kid in Forth Worth back inand I had even admired him then. He and Glenn had recorded five sides in two sessions for the Brunswick label with Red Nichols in the spring and early summer of McKinley told George Simon:.

He was extremely handsome. He looked like one of those old Arrow Collar ads. He had perfect symmetry. Somebody once called him a singing Gary Cooper. But he had too easygoing a personality to make a successful leader.

I was very much flattered — I guess he hadn't forgotten that night when I sat in with the Pollack band out in Chicago. I have a feeling the budget didn't permit it. What he did instead would be to take a printed stock arrangement and make cuts in it for a particular broadcast, and on the next night he'd take the same stock and make a different cut and it would sound like a different arrangement of the same tune.

Then sometimes he'd write a short introduction or something of its own. I don't remember his ever coming in with a completely original arrangement. This is in keeping with a comment by Woody Herman, one of Glenn's friends. Ballew got the band a job in the pit of a Broadway show which, according to Ballew, "included everything from comedy to opera and we even got an assistant musical director of the Metropolitan Opera Company to work with Glenn.

But our first week's check bounced and the producers said to deposit it again, that it must have been a mistake. But it bounced the second time too and I contacted the manager of the theater, who told me the rent hadn't been paid.

When the show closed after ten days, Ballew got stiffed for the musicians' salaries. Ballew said, "All the guys refused to accept a nickel — all except the string players. Charles Munch, in his book Je suis conducteur, urged other conductors to be kind to string players, since they were mostly embittered virtuoso soloists manques. In November the band was booked into the Lowery Hotel in St. Chalmers Chummy MacGregor came in on piano, and made yet another friendship with Miller.

He played with the band of Jean Goldkette, the nursery of many major jazz musicians. Then he worked for Irving Aronson.

When the Aronson band passed through Cleveland, Chummy and some other musicians went to a restaurant called the Golden Pheasant to hear a young saxophonist and clarinetist named Artie Shaw with the Austin Wylie band. Shaw held exactly the same position with Wylie that Miller did with Smith Ballew. He was playing in the band, writing for it, and running it, the same sort of disciplinarian that Miller was. MacGregor and some of the others urged Shaw to come with the Aronson band.

Shaw consulted his friend in the Wylie band, pianist Claude Thornhill, who urged him to take it. He was told he could learn a lot from Chummy MacGregor. Shaw joined the band in California. The manager of the Lowery Hotel, according to Ballew, wanted them to do novelty numbers in the manner of Ted Weems.

Glenn and Ballew hated the idea but decided to try it. The musicians, however, rebelled, and the band was terminated, giving Glenn an education in what novelties and "showmanship" a term Artie Shaw hated could do. They were replaced by Red Nichols, who by now had a band of fifteen men. The band went to several more hotels, then to the Club Forest in New Orleans where, Ballew said, the band played "a simply sensational arrangement by Glenn of Stormy Weatherwhich Harold Arlen had just written and for which he gave me one of the first lead sheets.

But in those days music had to be copied by hand, and for Arlen to give Ballew an original lead sheet — a lead sheet comprises a melody line with chord symbols written above it — was a mark of no little respect. The band was so successful that the New Orleans engagement was extended to six months. But as the Depression deepened, engagements for the band became intermittent. Morale in the band flagged.

Ray McKinley said:. Chummy had been in the lock-up with the d. And Glenn got juiced — it was the only time I ever saw him like that.

He could be a bad drunk, too. Nobody knows exactly how it started, but I understand Glenn. By latethe Ballew band was almost finished.

Its quality was falling. Glenn didn't play its last important engagement, which was at the Cosmopolitan Hotel in Denver. Miller's family lived nearby. McKinley said, "Glenn didn't want his friends to see him in such a poor setting.

The band was beneath his dignity or something. Anyway, he stayed on as manager. He'd rehearse the band for shows, and of course, he'd show up on payday. He had begun to act more like a tough business executive and less like a musician. He was getting more headstrong than ever, and less easy to get along with.

Smith Ballew said, "He was a tough taskmaster, often to the resentment of men in the band. He was stiff. He had no social amenities and he preferred to remain in the background. He was definitely an introvert. He was hard to know. He never bared his soul to anyone. I felt I knew him then, but now I have my doubts.

Smith Ballew gravitated to Hollywood where he had an entirely new career as a singing cowboy in B movies. Later he left the film industry and went into public relations for the aviation giant General Dynamics. He retired from the company in and died in his native Texas in He was eighty-two.

The Ben Pollack band also began to fade away inwhen Jack Teagarden left it, and the other members followed.

They formed a co-operative band, with Bob Crosby elected to sing and act as nominal leader. Pollack formed another band, but it never achieved the success of his earlier organization. He was by now married to vocalist Doris Robbins. Succumbing to despair, he committed suicide by hanging in Palm Springs in Paul Weston, who became the chief arranger of the Tommy Dorsey band, told me, "Tommy went through his life regretting that he wasn't Jack Teagarden.

Glenn could not have been the trombonist of his self-deprecation or Tommy, who never suffered fools gladly and was acutely choosy about the quality of musicians, would never have hired him. It is the soundtrack to our lives and echoes our emotions. Perhaps no music evokes time and place more precisely than Glenn Miller's.

Experts will argue that Miller recorded for more than fifteen years as a jazz musician, arranger and leader, formed two orchestras and led service bands. To most of us, though, Glenn Miller is tied to those few years when the big bands ruled and the world went to war. He invented a sound that combined the excitement of jazz with the lushness of the big orchestras, and bore a trademark musical palette that will forever be known simply as the Glenn Miller Sound.

August They backed Mildred Bailey, using Miller arrangements, and early in made some instrumental records. Then they talked about forming a permanent band and taking it on the road, under their joint leadership, a doubtful idea at best, since they had never since childhood been able to agree on anything. They approached a bassist and guitarist named Roc Hillman about joining them with the Dorseys, which indicates that Tommy and Jimmy had assigned him the same authority he had held with his Ballew and Pollack.

He also picked up saxophonist Skeets Herfurt, trombonist Don Matteson, and singer Kay Weber, all with Schilling's gracious encouragement. Hillman and his three friends moved to New York. On the second night we were there, he took us to meet Benny Goodman in his hotel room. Tommy liked it and he recorded it. Ray McKinley got a call from Glenn to say that the Dorseys were finally going to take a band on the road, and inviting him to go with them along with the musicians from Denver.

McKinley said, "Sure. Bing Crosby was the big thing then, and Glenn decided to pitch down to his register. So instead of the usual couple of trumpets and just one trombone, we featured three trombones, Tommy and Glenn and Don, and just one trumpet.

Bunny Berigan was there at first. Skeets and a fellow named Jack Stacey and Jimmy played alto and clarinet. Kay Weber was the girl singer and later on Bob Crosby became the boy singer. The second rehearsal ran true to form — the Dorseys were screaming at each other. The band played a series of one-nighters in New England then played for the summer of at the Sands Point Casino on Long Island, no doubt because it had a radio wire which gave the band exposure across the country.

McKinley found Glenn a little standoffish with the other musicians. It lasted for eighteen months, until a more than usually violent altercation between them over the speed at which they should play various pieces dissolved their partnership. Jimmy became the leader of the band that survived from the rift, leaving Tommy to form his own orchestra, which he eventually did by taking over a band that had been led by pianist Joe Haymes.

However, in its short life, the Dorsey Brothers' Orchestra made some interesting attempts to vary the mold of how a swing band should sound, although more often than not this veered toward the kinds of compromise familiar from Ben Pollack. This is hardly surprising, because the brothers' chief arranger was the ex-Pollack trombonist Glenn Miller, who was already trying his hand at achieving a unique and distinctive sound….

With the Dorsey Brothers' Orchestra, Miller. Because the majority of the instruments were pitched in a similar range, it lacked the clear distinction among the sections of a more conventional jazz orchestra, but it allowed Miller to write some convincing attempts at "big band Dixieland" of which the February Weary Blues is a good example, despite the occasionally overwhelming sound of the massed trombones. The commercial appeal of this kind of chart was not lost on the band's singer, Bob Crosby who was continually criticized by Tommy Dorsey for not being as good as his brother Bing.

When Bob took over the remnants of Ben Pollack's band insuch arranged Dixieland was already a major element of its style and continued to be under his leadership. The quarrels between the Dorseys took their toll on everyone, especially Glenn, who was caught in the cross-fire. Finally he gave his notice. The partners at the Rockwell-O'Keefe agency were looking for new bands.

They wanted to import from England the band of Ray Noble, which was making some exceptional recordings. The American Federation of Musicians, in a protracted quarrel with the British musicians union, would not permit the band to come. Given the yeoman work Glenn had done for Smith Ballew and the Dorseys, the agency approached him about organizing a band to be led by Noble. He agreed, and put together a remarkable organization that included Bud Freeman on tenor and Johnny Mince on clarinet, and a rhythm section comprising Claude Thornhill, piano; Delmar Kaplan, bass; George Van Eps, guitar; and a drummer Noble brought from England.

The trombones included Glenn and Wilbur Schwichtenburg, whom Glenn always cited among the trombonists he most admired. Schwichtenburg changed his name to Will Bradley and later in that decade formed a band with Ray McKinley, which they co-led. It was an excellent band.

Unable to work until he had his union card, Noble went to California to write songs for a movie called The Big Broadcast of While Noble was in California, working on a film that achieved the obscurity it deserved, he let Glenn write for the band and rehearse it. He continued to record on the side, often with alumni of Ben Pollack, and then on April 25,he made his first record under his own name, A Blues Serenade with a vocal by Smith Ballew and Moonlight on the Ganges.

It was a period of American fascination with the ersatz exotic, manifest in such songs as The Sheik of Araby, Constantinople, and Hindustan, and movies to go with them. Glenn took no solo.

The musicians in the Noble band liked the job. They worked until 3 a. But he was restless, and finally at a dinner at the home where George Simon still lived with his parents and brothers including Dick Simon who had founded the publishing house of Simon and Schuster inGlenn told George that he was going to start a band. Glenn asked Simon to help him do so.

There is an old and cruel joke among jazz musicians. What do you call people who want to hang around with jazz musicians? Answer: drummers. George Simon was a would-be drummer who was mocking of his own limited abilities.

Wanting to be close to jazz and jazz musicians, he became a writer for Metronome magazine, which certainly could not have paid him much. No jazz magazine, including Down Beathas ever paid well. But his family was wealthy and influential, and Glenn seems to have had an instinct for power and the people who held it.

George was a hero-worshiper, with characteristics that inspired in a later generation the term groupy. Such people are very useful as gofers, and Glenn was skillful at using people.

George wrote in the Introduction to his biography, "As I look back, I realize there may have even been an element of worship in my admiration. Later, I also learned to resent him. InRay Noble went back to England on vacation. When he returned and after he took the band on a theater tour and back into the Rainbow Room, he asked the musicians to take a pay cut.

They refused, Glenn among them. He not only left, he led the walkout. The band went downhill and eventually collapsed. Howie Richmond, later a prominent music publisher, knew Glenn from the early days and at one period was his publicist. At his home in Palm Desert, Howie told me in Cork O'Keefe said, 'Glenn did the best possible job that could be done. He said Ray Noble became ensconced in the Rainbow Room. Ray Noble could stay as long as he wanted, and he wasn't going back to England — the war had started.

So he just stayed in America. Noble didn't want to go on the road or do any of those things. He was happy sitting there doing radio. But he had a habit of relieving himself by peeing out over the parapet.

It was just a thing he did occasionally, when he was too lazy to go to the can. At some point, some way, it hit some people below. They went to the management of the Rainbow Room. Other exponents of earlier jazz during this period were white northerners who drew upon their experience playing New Orleans and Chicago smallgroup styles in the s, among them the cornettists Wild Bill Davison and Muggsy Spanier, the clarinettist Mezz Mezzrow and the guitarist Eddie Condon.

Davison's version of EccentricCir. Still another group of musicians participating in this revival of interest in early jazz were white players on the West Coast, such as the cornettist Lu Watters and the trombonist Turk Murphy, who attempted more self-consciously to recreate the styles of such celebrated early jazz bands as King Oliver. While some musicians and fans assumed a retrospective stance in the s, seeking to reclaim the roots of jazz tradition, others began to construct a fresh musical vocabulary that would set themselves apart from both the traditional and swing camps.

If the New Orleans revival was a nationwide phenomenon, the impetus to forge a modern jazz idiom was centred in New York, initially in Harlem, and came from a younger generation of black American musicians born between and These players did not deliberately set out to create a new jazz idiom, but gradually it happened.

Through informal and after-hours jam sessions held in small night clubs and musicians' apartments, a process of collaborative discovery unfolded in which new ideas about harmonic substitutions, rhythmic vocabulary and melodic construction were worked out, shared and tested on the bandstand. One primary site for this activity was the Harlem club, Minton's Playhouse.

I came alive. Evidence of Parker's Cherokee experimentation can be heard in a private recording made in early at Monroe's Uptown House. This document points toward Parker's magisterial treatment of the Cherokee chord progression a few years later on his commercial recording Koko Savoy, Recordings from the early s prove limited as sources documenting the emergence of modern jazz, or Bop and bebop as it was onomatopoeically dubbed by critics.

There are glimmers, though, of modern techniques being introduced within a conventional swing context. Live recordings of sessions at Minton's inwhen Monk and Kenny Clarke were members of the house band, contain the pianist's dissonant, chromatically inflected harmonies and the drummer's explosive accents that later would dominate the rhythmic topography of bop.

Similarly, a few of Charlie Parker's solos with the Jay McShann band hint at imminent departures from swing conventions, as in the saxophonist's asymmetrical phrasing on Moten Swing and double-time lines on Body and Soul both from the Wichita transcriptions. More dramatic evidence of a fully formed modern jazz practice, however, turns up in recordings from —5, by which time the experimentation described by musicians had presumably been going on for several years or more.

The use of chromatically altered pitches within a diatonic harmonic context e. The dissonant syntax, whole-tone runs and off-kilter rhythmic patterns of Monk contrast with the longer, spun-out phrases of Hawkins on the latter's recordings of On the BeanJoe Davis and Flyin' HawkJoe Davis.

Differences between the older swing style and the newer bop idiom are vividly illustrated by instrumentalists on Sarah Vaughan's recording of Mean to MeContlin which the relaxed, flowing solo of tenor saxophonist Flip Phillips is followed by the darting, agitated lines of Parker and Gillespie.

The ominous tone of the introduction comes from the flattened 5ths played in the bass register of the piano by Al Haig, shadowed by Sid Catlett on tom-toms. Though bop was primarily a small-group style of jazz, performed usually with two or three lead instruments most often trumpet and saxophone and three or four in the rhythm section, some big bands played a role in promoting this music.

Earl Hines and Billy Eckstine both directed ensembles that featured young modernists in their ranks, among them Gillespie, Parker, Vaughan and Fats Navarro.

Gillespie himself led a big band in the second half of the s; his recording of Gil Fuller's Things to ComeMusi. The big band of Boyd Raeburn in the mids was known for its provocatively dissonant harmonies and unusual timbral combinations. Other bands, such as those led by Woody Herman, Artie Shaw, Claude Thornhill and Duke Ellington, featured bop-flavoured arrangements in their repertory without necessarily championing the cause of modern jazz.

In addition to drawing upon the newly minted expressive resources of the bop idiom, some modern jazz groups in the s began incorporating rhythmic features from the Afro-Cuban heritage. But in the s jazz forged stronger bonds with the Caribbean in the work of Machito Frank Raul Grillo and his Afro-Cubans and in the contributions made by the Cuban percussionist Chano Pozo to Dizzy Gillespie's orchestra in —8.

Gillespie showcased Pozo's talents in such compositions as MantecaVic. Other writers, though, among them DeVeaux and David Stowe, described bop as reflecting the contingencies of professional music-making and the economic structures of the music industry. Their studies depict the emergence and reception of modern jazz as a complex, socially mediated process, not merely as an artistic decision to replace an older prevailing style with an innovative new one. Another way of viewing bop is as a response to social and political conditions black Americans faced in the s.

None of these interpretations takes precedence over any other; all prove useful in understanding a dynamic musical movement that fundamentally changed the way jazz was played and perceived. Jazz 8. Enthusiasm for big-band swing gradually waned after World War II: the postwar generation preferred other music for dancing and listening. The popularity of rhythm and blues in the late s signalled a shift in taste towards earthy songs with a strong, shuffling backbeat.

The rich, brassy textures of big bands gave way to a leaner, more streamlined sound featuring vocals, one or two horns, electric guitar, bass and drums. Figures formerly associated with instrumental jazz, such as the pianist Nat King Cole and the saxophonist Louis Jordan, highlighted their vocal talents as they moved into the more commercially lucrative field of rhythm and blues and contemporary pop.

Singers who had launched careers with big bands, such as Frank Sinatra, Ella Fitzgerald and Sarah Vaughan, found success as soloists in the later s and 50s, often recording pop songs with orchestral accompaniment in settings removed from the jazz sphere.

The appeal of solo singers and close-harmony vocal groups, and the rise of rhythm and blues and early rock and roll, brought the swing era to a definitive close and created problems for many jazz musicians who had formerly worked with big bands.

While a few of the most successful big bands survived this period and carried on, others were forced to reduce their numbers or broke up altogether. Count Basie began leading smaller units in —51, then reconstituted a big band that gained popularity with slow, melodious, gently swinging pieces such as Frank Foster's Shiny StockingsVerve and Neal Hefti's Lil' Darlin'Roul. To survive economically, big bands had to keep current with popular tastes or, in the case of Ellington and Kenton, assemble a repertory so distinctive and players so accomplished that they could still command a public following.

With big bands becoming increasingly risky ventures, small-group activity picked up during the s. But if jazz lost popularity and economic clout, its musicians gained the creative freedom to try out new approaches. For some this meant finding fresh ways to integrate composition and improvisation, while for others it meant tapping into the rich vein of black American vernacular idioms, blending jazz with rhythm and blues, blues and gospel.

This was a time of synthesis and consolidation, in which techniques from both swing and bop were freely mixed together. The career of Miles Davis during this period shows these synthesizing and moderating processes taking place.

Although Davis had been a member of Charlie Parker's band —8his own playing avoided the virtuosic brilliance of the bop idiom.

It was slower, sparer and softer. What Davis lacked in conventional trumpet technique he made up for in plangent lyricism. In —50, collaborating with such arrangers as Gil Evans, Gerry Mulligan and John Lewis, Davis assembled a nine-piece band to record a group of pieces that were later reissued as a long-playing album entitled Birth of the Cool Cap.

Throughout Birth of the Cool a sense of relaxation prevails quite different from the frenetic motion and whirling turbulence of bop. Beyond transforming — and to an extent subduing — the language of bop, the Davis nonet sought in these performances to find a more flexible model for integrating solo improvisation with group ensemble passages. Improvised and written lines often intertwine in a symbiotic relationship, departing from the conventional big-band practice of having soloists play only with rhythm section or with accompanying riffs.

Some of the same qualities manifest on the Davis nonet sides relaxed pacing, understated expression, softer-edged tone turned up in the work of other jazz musicians of the s, causing critics to tag them with the descriptive label of Cool jazz.

They specialized in stately, classical-tinged, small-group swing, presented in pellucid textures and with an air of Album) reminiscent of the concert hall. Like the Davis nonet, the Modern Jazz Quartet sought creative solutions to the problem of combining written parts with improvisation, with Lewis composing many of the vehicles used for such exploration.

The group also introduced new formal models for jazz, not just with extended works or suites made up of shorter movements as Ellington had been doing since the s but with different structures used for soloing, as in the bar chorus form for DjangoPrst. Another composer-driven small group of the same period that became identified with cool jazz was the Dave Brubeck quartet. They enjoyed great success with such albums as Jazz Goes to College Col.

More experimental and less popular than Brubeck and the Modern Jazz Quartet were New York-based groups led by the pianist and teacher Lennie Tristano, which featured in the late s and 50s two of his students, the saxophonists Lee Konitz and Warne Marsh, whose playing was more Green Eyes - Jimmy Dorsey And His Orchestra - Latin American Favorites (Shellac and restrained than that of bop's leading exponent, Charlie Parker.

So the critically convenient opposition of s bop and 50s cool jazz belies important underlying lines of musical kinship. Davis did not confine himself to the cool aesthetic mapped out by his nonet in — The quintet he led in —7 with the tenor saxophonist John Coltrane, the pianist Red Garland, the bass player Paul Chambers and drummer Philly Joe Jones, delivered a mixed repertory of high-voltage bop Oleo,Prst. Beginning in he made a series of LPs in collaboration with arranger Gil Evans, in which he held forth as lead soloist against a lush and luminous orchestral backdrop in album-length suites that resembled extended jazz concertos.

Concurrent with these Evans collaborations, Davis could be heard in a sextet format that contrasted his aphoristic style with the effusive outpourings of the saxophonists Coltrane and Cannonball Adderley.

Whatever cool aspects might have formed part of Davis's musical persona were effectively complemented or countered by fellow group members, especially the hard-driving swing of drummer Jimmy Cobb. His modal experiments on Kind of Blue opened up liberating possibilities for players of the s.

Davis was one of many jazz musicians in the s who discovered ways of assimilating and transforming the bop idiom that had seemed so experimental and self-contained in the previous decade.

Clifford Brown, for example, teamed up with Max Roach to form a quintet in the mids that extended the reach of bop while making it more accessible.

Using a musical vocabulary derived from the work of the Parker-Gillespie axis, the Brown-Roach quintet offered energized renditions of popular songs and bop standards. The intense rhythmic propulsion of their performances may have led to their labelling by critics as a Hard bop group. This designation, implying a stylistic variant of s bop, was also applied to the work of the drummer Art Blakey and his Jazz Messengers, Horace Silver Blakey's pianist for several yearsSonny Rollins who worked with the Brown-Roach quintet and Miles Davis, then began leading his own groups and Miles Davis's mids quintet and others.

Though such journalist-coined labels as hard bop and bop tend to push jazz uncomfortably into narrow categories, there were some significant departures in the small-group modern jazz of Blakey, Silver and others from the work of those who preceded them. Tempos on the whole tended to be slower, allowing drummers to articulate a stronger underlying beat that created a regular rhythmic groove. Even the titles of pieces became friendlier, more familiar: instead of Parker's Klactoveedsedstene and Monk's Epistrophy, it was Davis's Walkin', Brown's Swingin' and Silver's Cookin' at the Continental.

Jazz 9. The greater accessibility and populist tinge in the music of Blakey, Silver and other small-group jazz figures of the s pointed to larger shifts taking place within the music itself. This consolidating process can be seen in the jazz literature of the time, such as M. By the early s, though, bop had become old and familiar enough to join the jazz mainstream that now was bounded on one side by New Orleans or traditional jazz and on the other by the searching experimentation associated with the avant garde.

Consensus about a jazz mainstream was also reflected in the term Third stream, coined by Gunther Schullerwhich described music that drew upon jazz techniques as well as aspects of the European art-music tradition. Schuller was particularly interested in finding ways to juxtapose composed and improvised parts and to integrate post-Schoenberg harmonic practice into the active vocabulary of jazz musicians.

These goals are apparent in his composition TransformationCol. Much of this repertory was presented not in the night club venues customary for jazz but in concert halls, school settings for example at the Brandeis Jazz Festival and the Lenox School for Jazz and art museums.

If one result of modern jazz in the s had been the introduction of a musical vocabulary that later formed the basis of mainstream practice, third stream represented another part of its legacy, embodying the notion that jazz was a serious form of artistic expression and not solely meant to be relaxing, diverting or danceable.

There were other paths musicians followed in search of new modes of jazz expression in the s. In New York Mingus adopted a workshop format in which players collaborated in rehearsals and public performances to produce music that grew out of a process of group composition and improvisation.

Such works as Pithecanthropus erectus, Haitian Fight Song and Ecclusiastics contained thematic material supplied by Mingus, but their fluidity and sense of collective creation reflected the workshop ideals he fostered.

Another major innovator to emerge during this period was John Coltrane. Building upon the expanded harmonic vocabulary of bop, the saxophonist employed techniques of chord substitution and superimposition to loosen the music from its tonal moorings. Original pieces such as Giant Steps and Countdown bothAtl.

Like Miles Davis, his former bandleader, Coltrane gravitated toward the combination of modal melodies with stable harmonic fields. He based Impressions —3, Imp. Coltrane's virtuosity and brilliance as an improviser enhanced the appeal of his musical experimentation, and his personal conception of the tenor saxophone proved greatly influential for several generations of players in the following decades.

Beyond the modal techniques taken up by Coltrane and Davis, other means were adopted by musicians seeking to expand the harmonic vocabulary of jazz. Monk brought a high level of dissonance for jazz, at least to his piano solos and compositions, and his interest in chromatic-based chord progressions can be traced back to compositions written in the early s, such as Epistrophy and Well, you needn't.

As an accompanist, he often stopped playing while a horn player improvised, thus allowing soloists greater harmonic freedom as they continued with just drums and bass. Gerry Mulligan also explored the idea of a pianoless quartet in the s. Monk's interest in raising the dissonance threshold and rewriting the rules of functional harmony were later taken up by fellow pianistcomposers Herbie Nichols, Cecil Taylor and Andrew Hill.

Lennie Tristano displayed a similar penchant for dissonance, although in his case it was often linear and contrapuntally derived rather than introduced through vertical harmonic structures. In contrast to these figures, Bill Evans treated dissonance almost as a colouristic device, using minor 2nds in voicings, for example, to lend an edge of tension to rich chords built upon extended triads, occasionally 4ths.

Evans also pursued a piano sound ideal radically different from that of Monk, Taylor and Tristano, distinguished by a singing, rounded tone, legato touch and, especially on ballads, liberal use of the damper pedal, all features that pointed in the direction of 19th- and early 20th-century European composers Chopin, Brahms and Ravel whose works Evans knew and admired. In addition to developing new technical resources for jazz in the late s and early 60s, some artists showed a concern with addressing social and political issues through their music.

Jazz had always contained implicit messages about exercising personal freedom and striving together to realize a practical model for participatory democracy. But it had rarely been overtly political: Billie Holiday's performance of the anti-lynching song Strange FruitCom.

And it was partly the defiant stance assumed by Parker, Gillespie and their peers that enabled a young musician like Mingus to comment directly on current political events and social Green Eyes - Jimmy Dorsey And His Orchestra - Latin American Favorites (Shellac, as when he indicted a segregationist Arkansas governor in Original Faubus FablesCan. During this period, as the civil rights movement was gathering momentum and black nationalism was emerging as a powerful political force, other jazz musicians joined Mingus in speaking out.

Freedom Now Suite Can. The pianist Randy Weston, in collaboration with the poet Langston Hughes and the arranger Melba Liston, celebrated the cultural and spiritual homeland of black Americans in Uhuru Afrika! If a single musician personified the searching spirit of progressive jazz in the late s and early 60s, it was the saxophonist Ornette Coleman.

Although steeped in the bop of Parker and the hard-edged blues of his home state of Texas, Coleman ventured far beyond this musical territory in the company of several musicians he met in Los Angeles in the mids: the cornettist Don Cherry, the bass player Charlie Haden and the drummer Billy Higgins. Although Coleman's solo lines frequently implied an underlying tonality and used intervals and gestures familiar from the blues, the group's collective effect suggested abandonment of set chord changes, known forms and conventional instrumental functions.

Haden and Higgins proved to be not just supportive accompanists but assertive participants in a four-way conversation. Harmonic activity was unpredictable, regular phrase structures abandoned and functional tonality at times erased. Blues ConnotationAtl. As Coleman delves into his solo, however, the structure opens up and dissolves, and the established tonality flickers in and out of focus. The blues is no longer a governing principle but a point of reference, as Coleman explained N.

We played a free concert in the daytime, with Ella, and in the middle of the concert Mr. McDuffy walked out on stage and said, 'Here's something you left! So I'm not a high school dropout any more. From the time he left Laurinburg in the early summer of until his arrival in New York inwe really know very little about this crucial formative stage in John Birks's musical development, during which he matured from a high school dropout, self-taught as a trumpeter, to the accomplished musician who joined Teddy Hill's Orchestra within a few weeks of arriving in New York.

Gillespie arrived in Philadelphia around the end of Mayhaving returned for a day or two from Laurinburg to Cheraw and then hitching a lift northward with a friend. He joined his mother and other members of his extended family in a smallish apartment at Pine Street, in the black heartland of South Philadelphia, at its junction with Seventh Street.

John Birks had found it hard to attend to his work at Laurinburg almost from the moment his mother moved north and was no longer a few miles away, so when he eventually rejoined his family, he was reluctant to leave home again for long, even when quite large sums of money were involved. It was also a time in which he grew from boy to man, and his autobiography rather bashfully describes his early sexual experiences, including his first encounter with a white woman.

It was not to be the last such romance; even throughout his long and stable marriage, the adult Dizzy continued to be fascinated by miscegenation. In the late s, before he was married, he pursued. In the odd pockets of liberal attitudes and behavior that he then encountered in the United States, such as at Camp Unity, he continued to experiment.

Later accounts of his tours in Europe suggest that he never quite abandoned this interest and he formed one serious liaison with a white partner on the American side of the Atlantic later in his life. When John Birks lived there, it was a vibrant city, the home of dozens of musicians who were or became first-order jazz players. In midtown, the Earle Theatre on llth and Market Streets presented visiting jazz orchestras and its Friday morning shows combined films, comedians, and vaudeville acts with out-of-town jazz presentations.

The main black neighborhood centered on South Street, between 15th and 16th Streets, with an atmosphere similar to the Harlem of the time. Photographer Irv Kline captured its spirit in pictures taken while John Birks lived and worked there. Within a block or two, in an area crammed with restaurants, bars, food and clothing stores, barbershops, and billiard parlors, Kline found blind guitarists singing the blues on street corners, a female brass quartet playing hymn tunes, and skyward speakers on the sidewalk outside the record shops playing the latest "race" records.

He recalled stopping by the jam sessions at Teddy Burke's music store, or in the basement of the Douglas Hotel, where local players like John Birks would mingle with stars from whichever visiting big band was in town.

He also took steps to join the recently reestablished black local of the AFM, the musicians' union. There had been a flourishing black local number in Philadelphia before the Depression, but it had fallen victim to financial hard. A new local, numberwas established at the start ofand its first secretary was trombonist Frankie Fairfax.

He does not appear to have made any records, but his band became a nursery for a number of musicians who played with some of the most influential Swing Era leaders. He was remembered by his pianist, Bill Doggett, as hailing from West Virginia and coming north with a college band led by another West Virginian, Chappie Willett.

ByFairfax had settled on trombone as his instrument; by this time he was already based in Philadelphia, from where he traveled widely in Willett's band.

The black press carried pictures of the group including Fairfax on a tour to Detroit that year. It swiftly became one of the city's three main black big bands, holding down a Saturday-night residency at the Strand Ballroom.

Fax was a canny bandleader and organizer, whose ambition was to front the city's finest orchestra, and in his quest for suitable musicians, Doggett remembered that he recruited some of the best players from his main rival, Jimmy Gorham.

Willett is an even more shadowy figure than Fairfax, but it is known that he gave up leading to write, subsequently providing arrangements for many leaders, including the up-and-coming Lucius "Lucky" Millinder, a bandleader who had been hired by the powerful Irving Mills Agency to front its Blue Rhythm Band in New York. It was, it seems, quite common in Philadelphia for bands to be "borrowed" for road tours by established leaders, and Andy Kirk, for example, recalled "lending" his band to Blanche Calloway in for a gig at the Pearl Theater and a recording at nearby Camden, New Jersey.

This practice squares with Irv Kline's description of his hometown as "corrupt and contented" before World War Two.

It seems that Fax fitted well into such an ambience. Fairfax had a reputation for consistently finding work for his bands, bu"" he also got taken to task from time to time for swindling his men out of part of their earnings. InBill Doggett led a walkout over money and took the musicians off to Atlantic City for a season, leaving. Fairfax temporarily without a band, although the two men were later reunited.

Nevertheless, Fairfax remained a union official until more or less the time that the black and white locals were combined, many years later, as Local Obviously his "contented corruption" was not acceptable to everyone, and in later years trumpeter Charlie Shavers could be roused to anger by mere mention of the name Fairfax: "If he walked in here right now, you wouldn't be able to stop me going for him! He had arrived at a simplified method of jotting down notes that made his scores hard to read for the uninitiated, and when Gillespie first tried out for the band he found it impossible to decipher Doggett's attenuated script and failed his audition.

Gillespie suggests in his autobiography that this caused some friction between himself and Doggett, although clearly it did not last.

Rejected by Fairfax in the late summer ofJohn Birks continued to play in the many clubs in South Philadelphia and to visit any household where he might learn more about music. He and Doggett became frequent visitors to one another's homes, and Doggett confirmed that John Birks had developed sufficient powers of execution on trumpet by to play whatever ideas entered his head, backed by a sound knowledge of harmony, based on his piano playing. The two men would swap instruments to investigate more about harmonies and chords, and detailed, lengthy discussions went on in the area's after-hours restaurants.

He gave up messing on trumpet a few months after he met Gillespie, but he was sure that it had been beneficial for both players to swap. He got the chance to understand some of John Birks's burgeoning harmonic ideas by listening to him working them out on piano, and John Birks considered it worth the trip to North Philadelphia to Doggett's house or persuading Doggett to make the journey southward to find out more about the structure of big band charts and how to voice chords for sections.

During this period he started to learn firsthand many of the arranging skills he was to employ later.

Organist Jimmy McGriff was the son of a local Philadelphia stride pianist, a man who played "dance piano," and who became one of John Birks's closest friends. Jimmy himself was born during the time John Birks was living in the city, but as a small child he remembers Gillespie keeping up his regular visits to the house whenever he was in town, and that his father would later go along to hear him whenever he returned to Philadelphia.

It was the Fairfax band that, within a few days of his arrival in it, conferred Gillespie's nickname on him. Trumpeter Palmer Davis noticed the empty trumpet chair at a rehearsal when John Birks was fooling around on piano and called over to the drummer, Norman Dibble, "Where's Dizzy? Dizzy was a member of Fairfax's group from the end of until the spring of There were few other founding members of this new band who achieved anything other than local fame, save for Dizzy's fellow trumpeter Jimmy Hamilton, who had worked with Green Eyes - Jimmy Dorsey And His Orchestra - Latin American Favorites (Shellac on and off.

The Frankie Fairfax Orchestra, Philadelphia, Fairfax center with music; Dizzy Gillespie kneeling on the right. Frank Driggs collection. Hamilton's career is a remarkable parallel of Dizzy's. He was born the same year as Gillespie into a rural South Carolina community where his father played in a local band, and in due course moved with his family to Philadelphia.

After the Fairfax days, he remained in contact with Dizzy, briefly working with him some years later in Benny Carter's band before going on to become the principal clarinet with Duke Ellington, in place of Barney Bigard. Fairfax's bassist, Oscar Smith, remembered earnest conversations about music between Hamilton and Dizzy in his father's pool hall, at Brown Street. Around Christmas and New Year'sin a characteristic move, Fairfax hired his entire band, with the exception of himself, to the New York bandleader, Tiny Bradshaw, for a tour to the South.

In his autobiography, Dizzy lists a partial personnel for the musicians who traveled Album) Bradshaw, who was a drummer, pianist, and singer, and recalls that they played in Charlotte, North Carolina. This event was etched in Dizzy's memory because he saved the life of Palmer Davis, who was being asphyxiated by fumes from a gas fire in his hotel room when Dizzy discovered him in the nick of time.

Charlotte was the final destination on the tour, which began with a week apiece at the Royal in Baltimore and the Howard in Washington. The band was nearly stranded at their third engagement in Richmond, Virginia, although it is as a consequence of this unfortunate gig that we have a full list of the personnel on the tour because they deposited their union cards there with Local There was a quaint protectionist custom then in place in the United States under which a band from "out of town" was required to deposit its details with the local branch of the AFM.

The idea was to protect local jobs and incomes by preventing the importation of contract labor at reduced rates. There were also two other members for whom instruments are not identified: Harry Carter and James Alexander.

Even there they spent. Shavers's father had a barbershop close to the Savoy in Harlem, and in the shadow of the famous ballroom the two young men absorbed the jazz atmosphere of New York together. Despite markedly contrasting physical characteristicsShavers was short, tubby, and dark-skinned; Warwick was tall and sufficiently light-skinned to "pass" as whitethey referred to each other as brothers.

My brother was a real good trumpet player and I'm not kidding. They hired me in those days because my brother was such a good first trumpet. Here was the chance he had never had before to try out new ideas, discuss technique, experiment and then put the ideas to the test for real every night on the bandstand.

Dizzy recalls in his autobiography that, when Shavers and Warwick arrived, he was "still playing Southern. I'd learned a couple of Roy Eldridge's licks and would play them and whatever else I could pick up from playing the piano. Instead, we know, from bassist Oscar Smith, that "his trumpet solos were imitations of Louis Armstrong.

And could it actually have been Charlie Shavers, who was the first musician to exert a dominant influence on Dizzy's mature style and moved his playing in the direction of that of Roy Eldridge? The recorded evidence of Dizzy's first discs, made soon after his arrival in New York in Maycertainly show that by then he had made a remarkably complete assimilation of Roy Eldridge's approach to.

Clearly, during his two short years in Philadelphia, Dizzy somehow absorbed many of Eldridge's ideas, but what is truly remarkable is that he can only have had very limited direct exposure to Eldridge's own playing. Yet he not only seems to have taken on the older man's style, but by had used it as the springboard for his own.

For a comparative discussion of Eldridge and Dizzy's styles, see the account of Dizzy's first records in Chapter 4. Roy Eldridge, who was born in in Pittsburgh, is generally seen as the stylistic link between Dizzy and the father of jazz trumpet, Louis Armstrong.

Eldridge, nicknamed "Little Jazz," was in many ways the prototypical swing trumpeter, able to inject energy and pace into only a few bars of solo space in a big band recording, yet also capable of sustaining almost limitless invention in after-hours jam sessions. He and Chu Berry, the tenor sax player with Teddy Hill and later a colleague of Gillespie's in Cab Galloway's bandwere famous for "going on the rampage" in Harlem, as guitarist Danny Barker put it, and sitting in at club after club, where their endlessly competitive sparring would raise the temperature and the standard of playing of those around them.

He went off in on a road tour of Fats Waller's Hot Chocolates revue; led a band in Pittsburgh with his saxophonist brother, Joe, the same year; and then joined McKinney's band in Baltimore. He did not rejoin Teddy Hill until early Almost every published account of Dizzy's life repeats the assertion from his autobiography that he heard Roy Eldridge and Chu Berry broadcasting with Teddy Hill's band from the Savoy in New York while he was still living in Cheraw.

He tells the story of sitting in with Bill Davis, while aged fifteen, at the Elks Hall in Cheraw, successfully navigating a couple of choruses of "China Boy" in the key of F, before rushing to his neighbor Mrs. Amanda Harrington's house to hear Eldridge, Berry, and trombonist Dicky Wells over her radio in a live network relay from the Savoy. Although Eld. Hill's first broadcast was during the week of June 22,four months after the band had cut its first records and in all probability around the time those discs were actually released since there tended to be about a three-month lead time from recording to release.

Hill was quickly hailed as "the newest sensation in the realm of orchestra leaders over NBC" by the New York Age,24 and the Amsterdam News confirmed: "Teddy now goes out on the red network of WJZ three times a week: ThursdaysFridaysSaturdays Although there is no doubt that he did develop a deep stylistic debt to Eldridge, he could not have heard Hill's band over a national network inand, even when it was possible to hear it inthe broadcasts took place in the afternoon or early evening, not late at night.

The story made a fitting climax to his account of his Cheraw years, but the reality is that he almost certainly heard Teddy Hill's broadcasts from the northern urban sprawl of Philadelphia. The most telling clue to what actually happened is Dizzy's recollection that, when he met trumpeter Charlie Shavers at the start of"he knew all of Roy's solos.

Ray Brown, for example, recalled that only a year or two later, as kids in Pittsburgh, he and his musical friends would learn all Lester Young's solos from records as soon as they were released.

To be let into a friend's house you'd have to whistle the latest solo through the door. Teddy Hill's session of February 26,was actually Eldridge's first record date there is no proof he is on Clarence Williams's session of Julyand the four sides produced are his only recordings with Hill's Orchestra. Later that year came discs with Putney Dandridge, Teddy Wilson, Billie Holiday, and the Delta Four, while in early there were influential discs with Gene Krupa and Eldridge's new boss, Fletcher Henderson, that began to show what Eldridge could do.

Yet there were still far fewer examples of Eldridge's playing available than, say, Louis Armstrong's. Eldridge's regular radio broadcasts under his own name from the Three Deuces in Chicago did not begin until relatively late in Dizzy's period in Philadelphia.

It is also possible that, around the time of the Hill band's afternoon radio shows inDizzy first heard Eldridge in person on one of a handful of live dates with Hill and in the subsequent after-hours jam sessions in Philadelphia because it was at one such gathering that Hill first recalled seeing Dizzy.

He was back the following year at the Nixon Grand when he returned with Fletcher Henderson. Yet, even for a musician as talented and assiduous as Dizzy, it would be hard to assimilate an overall style from hearing a few solo moments in afternoon broadcasts, a handful of records, and fleeting appearances on live dates where the band played second place to singers and dancers.

What this suggests above all is that Dizzy's main exposure to Eldridge was secondhand, both explaining a joke about this in his autobiography and pointing to Shavers whom Oscar Smith said had already used his own remarkable facility to extend elements of Eldridge's style by as a much more important musical influence on Dizzy than tends to be acknowledged.

When hearing Shavers and Eldridge together on their Jazz at the Philharmonic recordings from the s, their stylistic affinities are obvious. Dizzy's protracted contact with Shavers would have offered him the perfect opportunity to discover ways of tackling solos in almost all musical contexts with a consistency of approach indebted to Eldridge but aurally transmitted by Shavers.

It equipped Dizzy with an understanding of Eldridge's style that would have been virtually impossible to acquire from records and broadcasts alone. The Frankie Fairfax band remained at the Strand most Saturdays inand from time to time traveled out into the Pennsylvania countryside, up into the mountains, or into the state's mining and industrial belt.

Bill Doggett recalled that the band was often booked on a regular circuit that took in Lancaster, Throop, Scranton, and Hazelton, among other places. Doggett thought that any band was likely to exhaust the. For much of the first half of this was the pattern of Dizzy's life, before Tiny Bradshaw reappeared and lured Shavers and Warwick away for good with the offer of more money, travel, and fame.

Bradshaw wanted Dizzy to go along as well, but this time Gillespie refused, preferring to stay close to his mother and family. Dizzy remained with Fairfax, alongside trumpeter Palmer Davis. Dizzy was content to stay with Fairfax until a few months into when he got a phone call from Shavers and Warwick, who had moved on from Bradshaw to the Mills Blue Rhythm Orchestra headed by Lucky Millinder and were passing through Philadelphia.

This was a name band, only a rung or two below Cab Galloway's or Ellington's, and handled by the same high-profile agency, and the two trumpeters were keen for their former partner to join them. They persuaded Millinder to agree, and he hired Dizzy, paying him to come to New York plus a few weeks' salary, even though he had not heard Dizzy play. Lucius "Lucky" Millinder was considered by many of those who played for him to be a great band director, even though he made no pretense of being a musician himself.

Drummer Art Blakey, who later played with Millinder, summed him up: "Lucky couldn't read a note if it jumped up out the floor and slapped him on the head, but you've never seen talent like his. All you had to do in his band with an arrangement was sit there and follow him. You can't make a mistake, because he knows everything that's happening. An amazing man, he didn't know one note from another but he had ears as big as an elephant's.

He was a hell of a band director, but I don't know where he learned. But his style of directing was unique at that time. He used to jump up high in the air, and I remember one of his tricks was to jump up onto the lid of the grand piano while I was playing, and leap off again onto the floor without missing a beat of the baton.

Sweets not only had no intention of leaving, but was clearly unaware of the arrangements made by his colleagues.

Danny Barker who played guitar in the band recalled them "cutting" the Count Basic Orchestra in a battle of music a few months later, and Sweets agreed: "I would say 'yes' we beat Count Basie, and I think that group with myself, Billy Kyle on piano, and Charlie Shavers, who was playing very interesting stuff on trumpet, was just about Lucky's best ever band.

But the job never opened up for him, and he was soon in New York without work and none of the reputation he had acquired in Philadelphia. Ironically, it is just as well Dizzy did not join Millinder. Lucky had recently bought out the rights to the band name from the Mills Agency: "I own my band," he told the Baltimore Afro-American in a interview,34 and it was not long before he was running himself into serious debt.

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